Why did you focus on cognitive defects in schizophrenia,
rather than on some of the more obvious manifestations of the disease?
Well, I’ve always been interested in cognitive deficits and I
trained in neuropsychology. Although when I started out studying
cognition in schizophrenia, like most people I wasn’t thinking of
the cognitive deficits in terms of their clinical implications. We
were all trying to understand the nature of the deficits. Are they
related to the other symptoms? Do they exist even when the symptoms
don’t? Do they exist before the symptoms began? There were a lot
of questions like that about the nature of the cognitive deficits,
how common they are, etc. The idea of clinical relevance was not
anybody’s focus.
How do you explain that?
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“What we’re doing is taking a very complicated disease with a very high level of disability and trying to understand a component of the disease that has not traditionally received much attention.”
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This may have been just an outgrowth of the experimental
psychology method. People doing research on cognition were not
typically involved with intervention. They were not treating
patients. So these researchers were naturally interested in
understanding the nature of the deficits, not what they meant for
the functioning of patients. Why is that? I’m not sure exactly,
but that was the perspective of most experimental psychopathology
labs. So we were initially much more focused on assessment than
intervention.
So what brought you about to this focus on the effect of
cognitive deficits on the daily functioning of individuals with
schizophrenia?
We were kind of dragged in this direction. I was working with a
group that did a lot of psychiatric rehabilitation, such as training
patients on social skills, how to manage their medication, and how
to develop recreational skills. The goal of this area of psychiatric
rehabilitation was to teach skills to chronic patients. What we
noticed was that there were huge differences from patient to patient
in how well they benefited from psychiatric rehabilitation—how
well they learned the material and acquired skills. This was the
early 1990s, and so one of the questions we asked was: what was it
about the patients that tells us whether or not they’re likely to
benefit from rehabilitation? If we have a patient and we can measure
a bunch of things, what’s going to explain the differences in how
easily they acquire information in their rehabilitation program?
This was an effort to explain variability in success of
rehabilitation.
And the answer was cognitive deficits?
Yes. What we found in these early studies, and what has since
been replicated, is that cognitive deficits tell you an awful lot
about how well patients will acquire skills and learn in
rehabilitation. But the factors that seemed most likely to predict
rehabilitation, namely clinical symptoms such as voices, delusions,
and thought disorder, didn’t tell us much about how well patients
would learn in rehabilitation. It was the cognitive deficits that
explained success in rehabilitation.
Did this work become the 1996 American Journal of Psychiatry
paper?
Not immediately. It led to a series of modest studies in the
early 1990s. Nothing earth-shattering. But that was clearly the
lead-up to the interest in cognition as it relates to daily life of
patients. The article itself was a literature review and commentary:
a summary of four of our studies, along with 12 other studies.
What factors led you to publish it in the American Journal
of Psychiatry?
The paper was referred to as a special article in that journal.
The American Journal of Psychiatry was the highest visibility
outlet I knew of for think pieces like this related to psychiatric
illness. At that point in time, they would have one or two special
articles whose titles they would list on the cover, and those were
high-visibility reviews or conceptual pieces.
Why do you think this paper has had such a huge impact in the
field?
It represented an important shift in focus. It required a
refocusing away from the psychotic symptoms, which are quite frankly
a lot more dramatic, to problems in attention and memory and
problem-solving, which are quite frankly not that dramatic. In other
words, Hollywood doesn’t make movies about these problems. When
schizophrenia is portrayed in movies, the emphasis is always on
paranoia and hallucinations. To make things even trickier, the
medications we have for schizophrenia work well on psychotic
symptoms but don’t work well on cognitive deficits. Maybe they
work a little but they’re certainly not great. So the paper was a
refocusing and made the argument that the psychotic symptoms which
have been the focus of our diagnosis and of our treatment, and which
are more interesting to many of us, do not tell us very much about
how patients will move into the community and how well they manage
daily activities. The cognitive deficits, which require laboratory
measurements to assess and which are not as dramatic but are very
stable and quite common in schizophrenia, do tell us something about
how well patients function in daily life.
The conclusions also helped to resolve one paradox: that while
antipsychotic medications reduce psychotic symptoms, they have made
very little difference in improving community functioning for
patients with schizophrenia. And the explanation for that paradox is
that drugs work on one part of the illness, the psychotic symptoms,
that do not account for community functioning and the drugs do not
work on another part of the illness, cognitive deficits, that do
explain community functioning.
Can you give us some example of cognitive deficits and how they’re
assessed?
The cognitive deficits we study are measured in the laboratory.
Some of the measures come from clinical neuropsychology and some
come from experimental psychology. For verbal memory, for instance,
we might ask people to remember lists of words. For short-term
memory, we might ask people to remember a series of digits. For
attention, we might ask people to press a response button whenever
they see a particular target stimulus that is briefly presented on a
computer screen. For speed of processing, we might use paper and
pencil tests that require people to quickly connect symbols on a
piece of papers.
So even though it’s the psychotic symptoms that respond to
medications, that still leaves this underlying and crucial problem of
cognitive deficits?
Yes. The typical individual who has schizophrenia will have these
clinical symptoms, and for the most part these symptoms will be
reduced by medications. They may or may not be completely gone, but
they’ll be reduced. That’s the good news. But those individuals
still will have trouble getting a job; they will still have trouble
handling public transportation, maintaining friendships and
connections with their family, even though their symptoms no longer
pose a great problem. Of course, I’m talking in generalities now.
And the question was, why is that happening? The cognitive deficits
are helping to explain some of those lingering problems. They’re
not changing with the medications, or not very much.
Were the results of the ’96 paper controversial?
It did generate some controversy. There were two kinds of
reactions to the paper, from academics and also from clinicians. One
reaction was, "Well, wait a minute, are you saying that
psychotic symptoms aren’t important? And if these cognitive
deficits are so important, how come they’re not part of the
diagnosis of schizophrenia and we don’t see them prominently in
our patients?" So some clinicians thought that this was
minimizing what they were treating. And I have always tried to be
clear that when a patient goes into the emergency room with an acute
psychotic episode, you don’t call a neuropsychologist. You
immediately try to reduce the clinical symptoms. That’s the first
thing you do. But six weeks later when the patient is stabilized you
worry about why he or she hasn’t returned to functioning in the
community. The other reaction I got was from clinicians, academics,
and many family members who said this focus on cognition makes
perfect sense. They did not know exactly what to call it but the
idea that their patient, their son, their friend has problems in
attention and memory and that’s why they’re not doing well in
day-to-day life, that made sense to them. On one level people
responded as though it was intuitive, and others responded a little
negatively. One thing about this focus on cognitive deficits, it has
a good historical precedence. In the last 50 years, clearly the
focus in schizophrenia was on psychotic symptoms, but if you go back
100 years to the early writers in schizophrenia, there was in fact a
focus on cognitive deficits, although they were not measuring them.
How has the field and the understanding of cognitive deficits
changed since your 1996 paper?
There’s been considerable progress, in two forms. First, the
conclusions have been replicated in many follow-up studies. Second,
there has been more of an effort to develop drugs that will treat
cognitive deficits in schizophrenia. The National Institute of
Mental Health, NIMH, now considers the cognitive deficits in
schizophrenia to be a public health problem, and they have been
trying to stimulate drug development specifically to treat the
cognitive deficits in schizophrenia. This is best represented by an
initiative from NIMH called MATRICS.
Just within the last year, the FDA has also said they are willing to
approve drugs for this purpose. So there is now a very strong
commitment from NIMH and the pharmaceutical industry to find drugs
to improve cognition in schizophrenia. Maybe in the not-too-distant
future, patients with schizophrenia will receive two drugs: one to
manage psychotic symptoms and one to manage cognitive deficits. We
see them as two parts of the same illness, and so they deserve
separate treatments. Another thing that’s happening is that we’re
trying to better understand the mechanisms by which cognition is
related to community functioning and to map out the intervening
steps that go from attention deficits to someone having trouble on a
job or maintaining contact with family members. You can think of
these intervening steps as a combination of cognitive and social
capacities.
What would you like to convey to the general public about your
work?
Well, to some extent, I’d just be redundant. What we’re doing
is taking a very complicated disease with a very high level of
disability and trying to understand a component of the disease that
has not traditionally received much attention. So we’re trying to
understand the disability and why these patients generally don’t
do well in the community, and we’re hoping to use that information
to start thinking about development of new drugs to reduce this
disability and make it easier for these people to function in daily
life and in the community.